Today, Khuzestan is embroiled in a complex network of economic mafias, rent-seeking contractors, political lobbies, and centers of power; a situation that effectively makes it impossible to save the province through a single individual, even with reformist intentions and managerial capabilities. In such circumstances, the return of a figure like Abdolhossein Mokhtadayi cannot easily alter the deep equations of power and corruption in this province.
Mokhtadayi's Management; Success or Failure?
Mokhtadayi was one of the few governors after the revolution who, although he did not perform successfully in managing the security of the protests in Abadan and Shadgan, received a reasonable score in political and economic management. In both of his terms, whether during the reformist government or in the early years of Rouhani's administration, he tried to form the management team based on meritocracy rather than merely the pressure of political lobbies; an approach that held special significance in the unique context of Khuzestan, given the concentration of oil, industrial, and security interests.
However, Mokhtadayi was practically left alone in both terms. On one hand, he faced political figures in Khuzestan who were always seeking a share of the province's resources, and on the other hand, he did not receive serious support at the national level. He had no backing in the offices of influential figures such as Mohsen Rezaei, Shamkhani, and Forouzandeh, nor did he find a special position in Rouhani's government. His explicit opposition to Zanganeh's policies in the Ministry of Oil and Nematzadeh's in the Ministry of Industry was the main factor behind this political isolation.