A year after the appointment of Seyed Javad Hosseini, a board member of the Ahdaf Investment Group, as the managing director of Oil Turbo Compressor (Turbotech), his performance has led to the accumulation of financial violations and losses resulting from managerial decisions in this company.
This issue, along with Hosseini's judicial and managerial corruption background, which includes his claims in private meetings about connections with senior officials and brokering for the Oil Minister, as well as having authority in appointments and transactions, has turned this strategic oil equipment company into a feast of cronyism and brokerage over contracts.
A Manager Growing with Claims of Connection to the Oil Minister
Hosseini was previously introduced as an employee of the Ministry of Defense, managing director of the Oil Turbo Generator Company, and a board member of several petrochemical companies. These positions have always been under suspicion of crony appointments without the necessary expertise and qualifications.
He simultaneously holds a position in the Appointments Committee of the Ahdaf Holding; a position that allows him to influence the arrangement of managers in subsidiary companies. Informed sources also report the existence of a judicial case related to corruption for Hosseini and the employment of several managers with ambiguous backgrounds or accused of managerial violations under his orders in Turbotech and its subsidiaries like Doar Moharek.
According to informed sources, Hosseini has introduced himself as a broker for "Mohsen Paknejad, the Oil Minister" at the Ajoudaniyeh Club and the Farmanieh Club Cafe. The publication of his photo with the Foreign Minister and his claims about holding secret meetings with the head of the Aerospace Organization and frequent visits to the Defense Minister's office have also raised questions about the source of this individual's growth without the necessary qualifications.
In narratives published from sources close to Hosseini, it is stated that at the start of the recent war, he transferred his wife and children to Oman and returned them to Iran after the conflict ended. This set of behaviors paints a picture of a network making decisions for managing oil companies in cafes.
Khaledi's Role as Hosseini's Brokerage Advisor and the Continuation of a Network of Problematic Managers
The ambiguities in Turbotech are not limited to the new managing director. Hiwa Khaledi, the former managing director of this company, was dismissed due to financial accusations and, according to informed sources, was detained for a while. However, Khaledi is now present in multiple meetings with Hosseini, and this has strengthened the suspicion of his role as an advisor for Hosseini according to informed sources.
Informed sources speak of the formation of complex relationships between Hosseini, Khaledi, DDS Company, and Akbar Naderpour, a manager appointed by Hosseini in Doar Moharek; connections that they believe are used to continue the corruption projects of past periods.
On the other side of this structure is Masoud Arefpour, another former managing director of the Oil Turbo Compressor Company. Internal company sources accuse Arefpour of leading a brokerage team and illegal extraction from the resources of this industrial complex. Thus, the dismissal of Khaledi and the presence of Hosseini are not the result of a real purge, but part of a power shift among managers, each facing multiple financial cases and accusations while serving as the managing director of Turbotech.
One of the latest examples of mismanagement in Turbotech is the damage to the multi-million-dollar "high-speed balance" device; a specialized equipment with no similar example in Iran. Reports indicate that this device was damaged due to negligence, misuse, and managerial weakness, imposing a heavy cost on the company.
Hosseini is also accused of recently inviting a large number of managers and officials from the National Gas Company to the complex and gifting each of them an iPhone 17 Pro Max; an action whose purpose, financial source, and connection to future decisions of the National Gas Company remain unclear.
Doar Moharek; Heavy Losses and Family Management
Another criticized appointment by Hosseini is the selection of Akbar Naderpour as the managing director of Doar Moharek Company. Informed sources say that under Naderpour's management over the past two years, the company has faced heavy losses, and a significant part of its affairs is practically controlled by two managers accused of corruption in this complex. According to sources, Naderpour does not have a constant presence at work and is mostly seen at the company during lunch hours.
Akbar Naderpour is the husband of Somayeh Rafiei, a member of parliament; a representative whose name has been listed among those associated with Ali Akbar Raefipour and forces close to the Paydari Front. This family relationship, along with Hosseini's support for Naderpour's management, strengthens the suspicion of political and family ties interfering in the appointment of managers in industrial complexes.
Critics emphasize that the losses in Doar Moharek are not just the result of a manager's weakness, but the consequence of a mechanism where individuals with cases or ambiguous backgrounds appoint and support each other in sensitive positions. The simultaneous connection of Naderpour with Hosseini and Khaledi and the presence of DDS Company in this circle have turned Doar Moharek into one of the main points of the criticized network in OTC.
The 76 Million Euro Deal and the 30 Million Euro Cronyism Claim
The most significant case concerning Hosseini relates to his relationship with Javad Fallahian, the managing director of Petro Refinery Kangan, and the purchase of two second-hand turbines. According to published information, before taking his current position, Hosseini was the intermediary for purchasing these two turbines through a company named "Persian Gulf Turbine Development Engineering" for approximately 76 million euros.
In the provided information, Hiwa Khaledi, as the then-manager of the company, and Hamid Zolghadr, a shareholder of the complex, had an effective presence in this corruption case. Informed sources have declared the actual value of the two second-hand turbines to be around 30 million euros, while Hosseini, using his position and connections with a network of managers in the Ministry of Oil and the Ministry of Defense, provided the mentioned equipment to Turbotech at several times the real price.
The price difference declared with the actual value of the equipment is the source of a significant cronyism among Javad Fallahian, Seyed Javad Hosseini, and Khaledi, with the estimated value of this cronyism benefit being around 30 million euros.
Hosseini's placement in Turbotech management after this blatant brokerage expands the influence of a network where appointments, brokerage, equipment guarantees, and benefit distribution are conducted within a limited circle, with the final cost borne by industrial companies and public resources.
